A few months ago I made a trip to attend my daughter Isabelle’s commencement at an institution of higher learning. Having no apparel to signify my investment in this particular school, I entered the bookstore and found a shirt emblazoned with its name. Too impatient to try the shirt on, I eyeballed the medium and the large and decided the medium would fit.
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President Barack Obama said Wednesday night the United States is going to war “to degrade and ultimately destroy” the group known as the Islamic State.
Good morning. This is your captain. We’ll be cruising today at an altitude of 30,000 feet, and we expect to arrive at our destination on time. Then we’ll spend 45 minutes on the tarmac waiting for a gate to open up, because apparently, the airport folks had no idea we were coming.
The New York Times ran an unfair headline the other day: “Arab Nations Strike in Libya, Surprising U.S.” It was unfair not because it was inaccurate but because the latter phrase suggested there was something noteworthy in our surprise. When it comes to events abroad, surprise is our natural state.
In fighting disease, aggressive action is not always advisable. Two years ago a federal panel recommended against routine use of a test for prostate cancer because it carries “a very small potential benefit and significant potential harms.” Some men get false positives, and many true positives lead to risky surgery for cancers that grow so slowly as to pose no threat.
Not all the residents of Ferguson, Mo., are black; not all of them are out protesting; and some think the protesters are neglecting a better option for change.
The shooting of Michael Brown and its turbulent aftermath have renewed an old question: Why does the black community raise a ruckus when a white person kills a black person, which is rare, but not when a black person kills a black person, which is far less rare?
Fifty years ago this summer, President Lyndon Johnson signed the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964. Back then, it was reasonable to expect that by 2014, America would be a fully integrated nation in which equality prevailed. But as the events in Ferguson, Mo., dramatize, the country still resembles what a presidential commission described in 1968: “two societies, one black, one white — separate and unequal.”
A diplomat was once defined as someone whose job is to lie for his country. That’s apparently what makes them different from intelligence officers, whose function is to lie to their country.
The world is a hot mess. Pro-Russian separatists shot down a passenger jet over Ukraine. Iraq is under siege from Islamic radicals, the Taliban is rebounding in Afghanistan and civil war grinds on in Syria.
In 1952, Sen. Patrick McCarran of Nevada took the Senate floor to warn of the dangers posed by foreigners. The immigration system, he said, is a stream that flows into our society, and “if that stream is polluted our institutions and our way of life becomes infected.” He was not the last person to see those migrating here as a terrifying source of contamination.
Living in a city that had 82 shootings over the Fourth of July weekend, Chicagoans could be forgiven for envying the residents of Indianapolis.
There is a point at which firmness of conviction becomes obstinacy, and there is a point at which obstinacy becomes comedy. The latter was on spectacular view the other day when a prominent inflation hawk self-destructed on national TV.
In the eyes of Texas Gov. Rick Perry and others, the crisis on our southern border demonstrates the failure of our immigration policy. They are correct, though not in the way they think. The failure in our immigration policy comes from the persistent belief that we can make rivers run uphill.
It’s a classic Orwellian nightmare: The government decides to deny you a right it extends to other people, but it won’t tell you why and it won’t tell you what you can do about it. You’re stuck in purgatory, effectively convicted without being tried — or even being told the charge against you.
An undocumented foreigner crossed the Rio Grande near Hidalgo, Texas, the other day. He had spent three weeks traveling from Honduras, and he was carrying only one thing with him: a birth certificate. He was hoping to find relatives in San Antonio or Maryland. His name is Alejandro, and he’s 8 years old.
Organizations concerned with public policy have a habit of hyping developments that relate to their concerns. When the Supreme Court ruled that some corporations are exempt from paying for employees’ contraceptive coverage under Obamacare, both sides loudly trumpeted its importance.
The surprising thing about the Supreme Court’s decision on police searches of cellphones was its unanimity. Aligned on the same side of a major law enforcement issue were liberal and conservative justices who normally fight like cats and dogs. All agreed that it’s intolerable to let cops ransack the voluminous contents of mobile phones.
A corrupt government that has alienated many of its people finds itself unable to overcome a growing insurgency in an endless civil war and expects a superpower on the other side of the globe to come to its rescue. That’s the story in Iraq today — which carries eerie echoes of the not-so-distant past.
The government normally doesn’t care whether you or I accumulate large bills for home improvement, a new car or exotic vacations. But Barack Obama feels no hesitation in concluding that the cost of higher education has placed “too big a debt load on too many young people.” Therefore, something must be done.
The gross U.S. government debt now stands at $17 trillion, more than double what it was a decade ago. It’s still expanding, as the Treasury pays out more than it takes in, and the shortfall is expected to grow over the next decade. So it’s deeply gratifying to learn that Americans are “highly concerned” about the problem.
When the United States invaded Iraq in March 2003, Americans were told it would be a quick, simple project. When asked how long the war might last, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said airily, “Six days, six weeks, I doubt six months.”
DENVER — It’s 8:30 in the morning, I’ve just left a recreational marijuana dispensary, and I’m desperate for my regular fix. Luckily, the waiter is quick to deliver it: Coffee. Black. No sugar.
Rousing the public to do something about the growing federal debt is not easy. The dangers it poses are distant and vague. The immediate effects are not apparent. Any measure to cut deficits looks trivial next to the scale of the problem. Doing nothing is the easiest option.
Conservatives generally agree on a few propositions. The federal government should avoid spending money unnecessarily. It shouldn’t exceed its basic constitutional duties. It should encourage self-reliance rather than dependency. It should accept that some problems are beyond its ability to solve.
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